Check Against
Delivery
Speaking Notes
for
Hon. Bernard
Lord
Premier of New Brunswick
Council for Canadian
Unity
"The
Role of provinces in building Canada"
Drummondville, Québec
September 6th, 2001
Thank you Monsieur Parisella,
I want to begin by thanking the Council
for Canadian Unity for your kind invitation to speak with you this evening.
The mission of the Council to strive
for a better understanding of Canada, its institutions, and its peoples
is a profoundly important one. And it is just as relevant today as it
was yesterday.
I could not help but note that the
Council has been in existence since 1964. Now to some that may seem like
a long time. In fact, the council was born one year before I was!
I don't know whether this makes you
young and me old, or vice versa. But it does indicate that the purpose
of fostering Canadian unity is one that transcends generations.
I see this as a recognition of how we
have formed our extraordinary nation almost 135 years ago. And it's a
recognition that our work in building Canada is never done.
The Canadian Ideal
As one of the four founding provinces
of Confederation and Canada's only officially bilingual province, New
Brunswick is considered by many as a microcosm of what I call the Canadian
Ideal.
That you can build a country on principle
such as diversity, tolerance, fairness, and inclusion.
The Canadian Ideal is timeless. It is
timeless because fundamentally, it is about people - their aspirations
and their character. The Canadian Ideal speaks not just to our own aspirations
as a country but to the character so many of us strive to instill in our
own children. We want our children to grow up embracing diversity, tolerance,
fairness and inclusiveness.
We, New Brunswickers, believe in our
province and we believe just as much in our country, Canada.
As Premier of New Brunswick, I feel
strongly that my job is not just to build and strengthen New Brunswick
but to build and strengthen Canada. That when New Brunswick is stronger,
so too is Canada and vice versa.
The responsibility of building Canada
is as clear a responsibility for provinces as it is for the federal government.
The
Role of Provinces in Building Canada
For
all our principles, we Canadians are practical people. We want what works
best. We chose a federation as our governing structure. We want it to
be a federation that is flexible and dynamic to accommodate differing
approaches to provincial priorities.
However, the challenges we face as a
nation demand a more intense coordination and collaboration of efforts
than ever before. From free-trade to skills training to productivity and
innovation and tax reform, the issues we face as a leading industrialized
and knowledge-based economy do not lend themselves to easy definitions
of constitutional responsibility.
But the political responsibility is
more than clear - it is all of us. The federal government, the provinces,
and I submit, Canadians as citizens of this country.
Take, for example, the federal government's
Speech from the Throne earlier this year. It lists more than 20 initiatives
that implicate provincial or shared jurisdiction between Ottawa and the
provinces.
As Minister Dion himself stated in a
speech to the Canadian Study of Parliament Group Conference in June 2000,
"The federalism of today is characterized as much by the interdependence
of responsibilities as by the division of powers".
It
is possible to respect the legal and constitutional mandate we have been
entrusted with while at the same time being practical in working together
for the benefit of all Canadians.
Provinces
must work collaboratively not just with the federal government but amongst
ourselves as well.
In New Brunswick, we have taken this
approach to heart. As Premier, I am convinced that inter-provincial collaboration
is an important ingredient in the building of a stronger New Brunswick
within a stronger Canada.
Among other things, in 2000, we helped
forge a new Council of Atlantic Premiers - a declaration signed by myself,
Premier Binns, Premier Hamm, and former Premier Tobin - to provide our
region with a stronger coordinated voice on regional and national issues.
The Council has already ratified greater harmonization in transportation
and insurance standards amongst the provinces.
We
also have neighbors west of us with whom we want to work. That is why
I will be in Quebec City this fall to pursue cooperation between our two
provinces on a range of bilateral issues. Energy, health and transportation
issues will top our agenda. I look forward to meeting with Premier Landry.
Just
last month at the Annual Premiers' Conference in Victoria, against all
the media odds, all provincial and territorial premiers agreed that we
had to do more than simply ask the federal government for more money for
health care. We also had to take common steps amongst ourselves now to
improve health care services for Canadians.
For the first time, the APC agenda was
divided into two parts: federal/provincial/territorial relations and provincial/territorial
collaboration.
I sincerely hope this will become the
new standard in how we conduct our Premiers' meetings.
We
have demonstrated our ability to work collaboratively on issues that matter
to Canadians and we have a clear obligation to continue to do this.
We will be meeting in January, 2002
in Victoria to focus on four key areas of health services: pharmaceutical
management; human resources management; continuing care, and determination
of scope of practice amongst health professions.
In doing so, we are sending a clear
message to the federal government as well as to all Canadians, that collaboration
for a common purpose is a good way to build our country.
To the citizen witnessing 'another federal-provincial
scrap', it may not always seem that way. The highly-charged debate over
health care funding last year was ultimately advanced, but it took the
provinces collaborating together to force the issue. Similarly, the federal
government's new national shipbuilding policy, although not yet resolved
to New Brunswick's satisfaction, was still the result of continued provincial
pressure over a series of annual premiers conferences.
Indeed, the fact that it took a former
premier to move the file as Industry Minister is proof of how provincial
dynamics are key to making national policy.
These aren't policy abstractions. This
is real. I believe Canada must move decisively to a clear model of collaborative
federalism.
Empowering People
Collaborative
federalism is also about empowering people. For ultimately, it's not academics
or constitutional theorists for whom we are accountable. It's to people.
And people want us to make Canada work.
In doing so, governments must be prepared
to invite people into the decision-making process. We can't be afraid
of listening to people; of making the institutions and processes of government
more responsive.
In New Brunswick, to make government
more responsive and accountable to people we've reinstated local and community
decision-making in education by creating new district education councils.
New community economic development agencies will begin operations this
fall and early next year in every region of the province.
Next year, new regional health authorities
with local and community input will be formed.
And, as an exercise in direct democracy
you are particularly familiar with in Quebec, we even held a referendum
this past May on the future of video lottery terminals in New Brunswick.
It was the first provincial referendum since 1967.
That is, of course, the value of federalism.
Each province can tailor its approach to governance to its own specific
needs.
Fiscal Imbalance
But
the ability of each of us to do so is affected by what I believe is our
most pressing national problem - Canada's fiscal imbalance.
Unless we confront this issue as Canadians,
it will corrode our very unity of purpose as a country. It will create
two types of Canadians some richer and some poorer. We will be divided
by where we live. Political alienation will be the inevitable by-product
of growing economic and social inequities.
There are two types of fiscal imbalance
- the first one can be found between the federal and the provincial governments
and the second one between provinces themselves.
The first one can be explained by the
fact provinces face rising social costs in health and education, while
the federal government benefits from rising revenus and surpluses.
The second one is based on the fact
that some provinces are in better financial shape than others to meet
these social costs. Yet, we all have the same growing social costs.
Strengthening Equalization
All
Premiers agreed in Victoria last month that addressing the fiscal imbalance
must be an immediate priority of the federal government. We agreed that
this should be done by strengthening the Equalization program beginning
with an immediate removal of the Equalization ceiling. We also called
upon the federal government to work with us to develop a stronger and
fairer Equalization program including looking at a 10-province standard
and a more comprehensive revenue coverage.
Equalization is one of the most Canadian
of all principles. It reflects Canada's ideal of sharing our wealth and
of equality of all people. It's why it is entrenched in our Constitution;
an achievement led by a former Premier of New Brunswick, Richard Hatfield.
But this principle is under duress.
It has been characterized as government welfare. But this is more myth
than reality. Like the myth that Equalization is only for Atlantic Canada.
In fact, seven provinces, including Quebec, receive Equalization payments.
And all provinces, except Ontario, have at one time in their history received
Equalization payments.
Or the myth that the governments of
Ontario, Alberta, and BC are subsidizing Equalization. In fact, it is
not a transfer from one province to another but a transfer from Canadians
to Canadians through the federal government. Its goal is to allow Canadians
to receive comparable levels of public services at comparable levels of
taxation.
I am working every day as Premier of
New Brunswick so one day we won't need to receive Equalization.
However, in the meantime, Canadians in New Brunswick are entitled to have
access to comparable health care services as Canadians in all provinces.
That is the principle at work here and that is why, when Equalization
doesn't truly equalize, the resulting fiscal imbalance can foster fault
lines of division, and alienation.
The
fiscal imbalance has an impact on the governance of our federation as
it is fostering an increasingly apparent power shift in roles and responsibilities
between Ottawa and the provinces. The federal government, armed with financial
flexibility, is looking for new ways to spend and deliver programs directly
to Canadians rather than transfer funds through provinces which have the
jurisdictional responsibilities in so many of these fields.
From the national Millennium
scholarship fund to the regional Atlantic Innovation Fund, new federal
dollars are being steered away from joint programs with provinces to direct
delivery by the federal government.
Our
first Prime Minister, Sir John A. MacDonald, was remarkably prescient
a century ago when he put his finger exactly on the situation we are experiencing
today. In his own inimitable style he warned: "Given a government
with a big surplus and a big majority and a weary opposition and you would
debauch a committee of archangels."
I believe that addressing the fiscal
imbalance will restore the federal-provincial balance of collaborative
federalism.
Conclusion
When
I travel throughout New Brunswick, I tell people in every part of our
province that New Brunswick will be strong when every region of New Brunswick
is strong. I submit the same is true of Canada. Our nation will be strong
when every region of Canada is strong.
Fixing the fiscal imbalance will help
make Canada stronger. Practicing collaborative federalism will help ensure
we continue to be strong as a nation.
The true spirit of Canada is one of
a partnership. A partnership where all of us are united by a common sense
of purpose and the Canadian Ideal. And when that purpose and that ideal
is challenged, we must never for partisan or personal gain, put party
before country.
We must all find ways as First Ministers,
Legislators, Parliamentarians, and as individual citizens to work together
to preserve that original spirit that took root so many generations ago
on which this nation was built. A spirit, which is now being carried forward
by the next generation of Canadians. A generation, which is secure in
our history and hopeful for our future.
Thank you.
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